More: Unlocking the Thai world: Thai-language newspaper headlines
From the Finland Declaration to the Nepal Strategy - Regime change through constitutional amendment and ballot - translated and summarized from Phujatkan, Author: Chiewchawana, April 29,
2008
Below, I have described the background history of Thaksin Shinawatra’s
rise to power.
Thaksin Shinawatra did not begin his business career in the usual
manner. His financial success in business owed more to his manipulation
of influential contacts, rather than to his managerial acumen alone.
Our (now) former Prime Minister struggled hard in his early career, in
his efforts to take his telecommunications business to the country as a
whole. Thaksin was ably assisted in this process by both his father and
his politician cousin. Thaksin was eventually able to obtain a license,
from the Thai state, to engage in the telecommunications industry at
the national level. The success of that business eventually brought him
great wealth. Thaksin went on to enter politics, and he established his
Thai Rak Thai Party (TRT) in 1998 - on the same day on which the French
monarchy had been deposed, 209 years earlier. Thaksin was to
spend a great deal of his own money building an effective campaign team
for TRT. Many members of his ‘team’ were former members of the (Maoist)
Communist Party of Thailand. The Thaksin ‘team’ also contained
individuals who had previously supported the ‘October 14’ democratic
reform movement. The formation of TRT was a great success, as certain
groups of conservatives - in the TRT camp - appeared willing to eschew
their former political philosophy for the benefits of Thaksin’s money.
Thus Thai society was able to witness a growing political rift between
the political aspirations of its disenchanted former Maoists and its
old guard of bureaucrats - who continued to doggedly serve the notion
of an ‘absolute monarchy’. These two political poles are now locked in
mortal combat, with the former committed to serving the needs of
modern-day capitalism, and the latter committed to preventing the rise
of TRT’s capitalist supporters to the main seat of power.
Once TRT had succeeded in winning its first general election, Thaksin
stepped up to lead the country in a thoroughly authoritarian and
capitalist manner. He began to abuse his new-found power by paying
little regard to the letter of the law. Indeed, it is because of
Thaksin authoritarian parliamentary manner, and his promotion of
single-minded notions of capitalism, that I now wish to express my
defiance of his rule. It is obvious to me that our nation’s system of
democracy, under a constitutional monarchy, faces grave risks from
Thaksin’s continual craving for power. Thaksin is now able to largely
dictate the course of Thai politics, in addition to being able to
control the fate of those politicians who either favor or oppose him.
During Thaksin’s tenure in government, a great deal of corruption is
alleged to have taken place. It is also noteworthy that, after
Thaksin’s initial rise to power, many websites sprang up to portray our
monarchy in a negative light. The Thai Royalty commands the highest
respect of the vast majority of Thais, but those wrongdoers who seek to
discredit HM the King - many of whom receive Thaksin’s tacit support -
have yet to receive the ultimate penalty [of lese majesté
prosecution] for their crimes.
The Thaksin governments abused many of the powers they were granted
through the ballot box. Not only did the Thaksin administration
initiate a policy that promoted the extra-judicial killing of
drug-dealers, but it also used those same powers to victimize and
silence its critics in non-governmental organizations.
The September 19 coup in 2006 took place under the leadership of the
Council for National Security (CNS). That coup was an attempt to oppose
Thaksin’s attempt to rise to absolute power over all aspects of Thai
society.
From the September 19 Coup in 2006, through the CNS Government
(2006-2007), up until the present day - In the aftermath of the
2006 coup, the CNS set up an interim government under the Prime
Ministership of Gen. Surayud Chulanont. This government remained in
power until December 2007. PM Surayud’s administration tried to pursue
policies that promoted greater political peace and harmony in Thai
society, but it proved to be incapable of ridding the country of
Thaksin’s ‘absolutist’ undercurrents. The pro-Thaksin (AKA ‘old power’)
group has now returned to run this country. I believe that this return
places our constitutional monarchy in great jeopardy. It should be
noted that many websites are once again openly engaged in denouncing
the institutions of our monarchy - including the President of the Privy
Council. This difference is that, this time around, these anti-monarchy
groups are even more aggressive in their condemnations of our august
institutions.